Thursday, December 27, 2012

“Youth” Inclusion in Yemen: a Necessary Element for Success of political transition اليمن إشراك "الشباب" ضرورة لنجاح المرحلة الانتقالية

شهد تاريخ اليمن المعاصر عدة ثورات وانقلابات. ولكن ثورة ٢٠١١ لها جانب فريد ومتميز، وهو أن الشباب هم من قاد الثورة (على الأقل في أولها) بمشاركة شعبية واسعة من كافة الأطياف، وهو ما جعل الثورة تتجاوز دائرة النخبة السياسية. والسؤال الذي يطرح نفسه اليوم هو: أي دور "للشباب" الذين أشعلوا جذوة الحراك السلمي الشعبي خلال المرحلة الانتقالية؟

وعلى الرغم من الدور الهام الذي لعبه الشباب في الثورة، فقد تم إقصائهم من المفاوضات السياسية التي أدت إلى توقيع الخطة الانتقالية (المبادرة الخليجية). كما أن هناك مؤشرات اليوم تشير إلى احتمال تهميش الشباب في الحوار الوطني المقبل.

إن أحد المؤشرات الرئيسية لتغير الهيكل السياسي هو مدى إشراك فئات غير تقليدية خارج الدائرة الصغيرة المغلقة في العملية السياسية. ومن هنا، تحاول هذه الورقة أن تسلط الضوء على مدى إشراك الشباب في العملية السياسية من خلال تعريف مفهوم "الشباب المستقل" في البداية، ثم التركيز على دورهم في الثورة ودورهم الحالي والمحتمل في العملية الانتقالية.



Modern Yemen has witnessed previous revolutions and coups, but the revolution of 2011 had the unique aspect of being a youth led mass movement [at least at the beginning] with participation from people of various backgrounds, transcending the elite circle of politics. A common question arises: what role do the “youth” who ignited the mass protest movement play today in the transitional process?

While youth played a significant role in the revolution, they were sidelined in the political negotiations that led to the signing of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) transition plan and there are indicators today that show their potential marginalization in the upcoming national dialogue process.

A key indicator for change in the political structure of the country is the level of political inclusion that transcends the traditional small inner circle.  Hence, this paper attempts to review the level of “youth” inclusion, by first defining the “independent youth”, and focusing on their past, current and potential role in the transitional process.

Full paper found here.

Sunday, December 23, 2012

"No to militarizing our dreams"

Yesterday, a large crowd of students and activists met at the gate of Sanaa University then marched to the prime minister's office near the cabinet to protest the continued militarization of the campus.  

Sign in front of the university reads: for the thousand times: No to military and security control over Sanaa university, No to militarizing our dreams
The protest was organized by Sanaa university students to demand an end to the presence of the military in the education facility.  Soldiers control the entrances of Sanaa university and frequently check the bags of students as they enter their space of learning.  State security also keeps track of "political" students and has arrested and beaten students in the past. Students complain that the campus is full of tanks and guns, and want them to be replaced by pens and notebooks as a step towards a city free of military compounds.  These demands were expressed in this video by the  group "Sanaa University Students' Revolution" advocating others to join the protest.



Upon arrival at the prime minister's office, protesters began moving closer to the gate and as chants became louder and louder the soldiers protecting the government institution fired their guns in the air to intimidate and disperse protesters.  The shooting continued for about 15 minutes and soldiers pushed protesters and beat them with metal batons as Sarah Jamal explained in her blog post.

 As people began to run away from the soldiers, I hid with three female university students in a small alley.   It was their first protest and they were terrified.  As my heart was pumping faster and faster, I tried to comfort them and told them that everything will be ok.  Then the soldiers came and shot in the air yelling at us to leave.  We did as we were told.



Although this protest was nearly not as bad as previous protests, it was quite sad to see that two years later, soldiers still resort to their guns as the first means of attempting to disperse peaceful protesters.

As I was running to join the crowd at the end of the street, a taxi on 26 September street stopped, and the window rolled down.  A women in the car asked me: "why are they shooting?" I explained that this was intended as a peaceful demonstration but the soldiers decided to use their guns anyways.  She looked at me and said: "What are you doing here? this job is for men, not for you.  Men enjoy these things, let them do it!"

I stood there thinking, this is really not the time to have this conversation, should I tell her that men don't really wake up in the morning thinking oh i would love to die in a protest today.. or should I tell her that women have been protesting for years alongside their male counterparts?

Instead, as my mind was worried about my sister and friends, I told her: "We, men and women, are in this together, we should struggle together".  With a friendly smile she responded: "I should take you home, get in", I smiled back and said: "thank you for your concern, but I really do have to look for my sister and friends."  I waved goodbye and headed back to the crowd.

Female protester and activist Samia al-Aghbari chanting during the protest
Each protest is filled with different layers of hopes, dreams, and calls for equality under the banner of demands for a civil state. 

Yesterday's protest was not all bad, the mood of this day reminded me of the good old days in the first months of the revolution when independent students went out to protest direct needs such as employment, end to corruption, and better education and healthcare.  

Despite the terrifying sounds of gun shot and the beatings, the feeling was mixed with a joyous reunion of independents reminding all of us that the revolution will not end and that the martyrs will not be forgotten.  

Students holding their books and notebooks chanted: "in the name of the pen, in the name of the book, our university is not a military compound"







Friday, December 21, 2012

Arab women do not need "saving", just solidarity

Last week in Cairo, an Egyptian organization held a conference entitled "Women's Empowerment" tackling a variety of topics including corruption, trafficking, gender based violence, gender wage gaps, and sexual violence. The case studies and speakers focused mostly on Western countries and the problems women face there, highlighting Christianity as the impediment to gender equality. The surprising aspect of this conference is that none of the similar violations in the Middle East or Muslim countries were discussed. This shocked one of the attendees who said that these issues are not strictly "Western" they are found all over the globe.

Indeed they are.


Now, I ask you to look at the previous paragraph and substitute the word "Egyptian" with "International", the word "Western" with "Arab or Muslim" and "Christianity" with "Islam". Would you still be shocked by such a conference? Majority of people would not, because that kind of tone has become the norm today. [The first conference I mention above in Cairo did not really take place, I was just flipping the situation around to make a point].

I'm not against addressing religious or cultural barriers to gender equality, I think it is necessary, I merely find it counter-productive when the focus is mainly on these aspects because people become reactionary and do not engage honestly in such discussions.  It also voids the discussion from important political/economic/class dimensions of the struggle.

Since the start of the Yemeni uprising many activists have been invited to a number of conferences to discuss the revolution, women's rights or the Arab spring. Many have taken this as an opportunity to highlight issues often neglected in main stream media, and to correct some of the misunderstandings. Lately however, some international conferences on women's rights made these female activists feel uncomfortable during the discussions, as the focus was on "saving" women in Arab or Muslim majority countries, as if they are the only women suffering from gender inequality.

Activists are not denying that there are a number of obstacles facing women in many of the Arab countries, but that does not mean that women in other places do not have to struggle as well.

The way women's situation is sometimes discussed today is reminiscent of colonial rhetoric about "saving" women from oppression and the need to "educate" these women (with the superiority it implies). While in the past it was based on religious superiority, today it's from a secular perspective but with similar undertones.

In many international conferences, photographs of Muslim women are often the icon for oppression and the focus is on religious interpretations and cultural traditions only, without a look into the history of oppressive regimes that have long neglected gender equality.

Too often conferences only highlight cultural and religious reasons for women's oppression forgetting to also indulge in discussion on history and political developments. As Professor Lila Abu-Lughod wrote "the question is why knowing about the "culture" of the region, and particularly its religious beliefs and treatment of women, was more urgent than exploring the history of the development of repressive regimes in the region."

This unfortunately turns the discussion into a polarized East v. West, rather than a worldwide struggle for women. I am not someone who believes in the dichotomy between "East" and "West" because I believe in the human spirit, in the fact that we all share common beliefs, goals and aspirations clothed in different cultural traditions. I do not like when things are reduced to such measures, and I find it to be counterproductive as many people respond with reactionary views simply to hide their wounded pride.

When conducting such events, organizers should pay attention to the tone of the discussion and it is imperative for women leaders around the world to emphasize Solidarity - as some international groups already do -  through partnerships and exchange of ideas, stories of struggles and lessons learned from all over the globe.


Monday, December 17, 2012

Remembering al-Majala




On December 17, 2009 a US Tomahawk missile hit the town of Majala in Abyan governorate in South Yemen, killing 40 civilians including 14 women and 21 children.  The Yemeni government was aware of this, and then President Saleh even covered up the story by saying: "We'll continue saying the bombs are ours, not yours".


Some of the civilian casualties, photos courtesy of the People's Movement for Protecting Liberties and Human Rights


These innocent civilians were victims of the secret war.  There are several legal, moral, and philosophical questions that arise from this war, and even questions about security interests.  Attacks like this fuel resentment and increase recruitment of militants.

Abdulilah Haidar Shaye a Yemeni journalist uncovered the al-Majala attack, and frequently wrote about the War on Terror.  Then in August 2010 he was arrested and has been in jail since. The Yemen Times reported that: "then President, Ali Abdullah Saleh was prepared to release Shaye in February 2011, but a personal call from U.S. President Barack Obama reportedly influenced Saleh, and Shaye remains in prison today, serving a five year sentence."

The Yemeni government must remember that the revolution broke down the barriers of fear, and that people will no longer be silenced and will no longer be afraid to say, Enough is Enough. 


Friday, December 14, 2012

Tuesday, December 11, 2012

A long road ahead for Yemeni women

First published in Open Democracy
  
Three months before the start of the revolution, Southern Movement activist Zahra Salih, was arrested in the city of Aden on 8 November 2010 and held incommunicado for months without access to a lawyer. Zahra told Amnesty International that, “prior to her release, she was ordered to sign a declaration pledging to cease her activities in the Southern Movement and to get married, which she refused to do.”

Zahra was an anomaly in a society where street and public activism was male dominated. Yet, the Yemeni revolution in January 2011 changed that perception as thousands of single and married women went out to the street. The visibility of these women in the public arena became an iconic symbol of women’s empowerment. In comparison to other Arab spring states, the sheer number of Yemeni women in the streets for a period of 12 months became a point of pride for Yemeni citizens.
These women came from various backgrounds. It was not just women from elite educated urban circles. On  the contrary, it was women from urban and rural areas, educated and illiterate, rich and poor who came together in solidarity with the Yemeni men to call for freedom. The squares of change became the epicentre of networking, learning and awareness raising.

Women in the public sphere
Women participated by being in the front lines, volunteering at the various committees in the squares, nursing the wounded, making food for the revolutionaries, documenting the uprising, and by encouraging their family members to hold steadfast. Many mothers camped in Change Square with their husbands, and children. The gathering of the family in this public arena, day and night, was a transformation for some who are not accustomed to mixing in public as this cartoon illustration by Kamal Sharaf shows.

Cartoon: man on pavement walking in front of women clad in burqa. Mouse couple on road in foreground side-by-side.
Man: “God help us, I hope no one we know see us.” Mouse: “see how wide the street is, this is how much I love you"
 
During the beginning of the revolution this mixing was common (with time this changed). In fact many fathers, brothers, and husbands encouraged their female relatives to participate. Some female medical volunteers and other protesters even slept in the squares without their male guardians, challenging cultural taboos. In a society where women’s portraits are not commonly seen on large billboards, Nobel Peace Prize winner Tawakkul Karman’s photo has spread throughout the squares and men proudly hung her photo in their tents.

By being openly active in the streets, women leaders uttered their names publicly, and became figures on their own merit - not necessarily through family lineage. Their male relatives proudly accepted this, despite the fact that it is customary for some traditional men in Yemen not to reveal the names of their female relatives, and instead refer to them as “the family”.

Shayma al-Ahdal, contributed to the facebook group the uprising of women in the Arab world with a photo of herself and the words: “my name is Shaymaa al-Ahadal and I am with the uprising of women in the Arab world... my brother is too embarrassed to declare my name and my mother’s name”. The facebook group received a significant number of contributions from Yemeni women stating their own personal demands. Many focused on health reform because of the extremely high maternal mortality rate, the gender gap in literacy rates, the low number of political participation (only one woman in parliament), and social norms.

Articulating gender-specific demands was not a top priority for many female revolutionaries in 2011 who placed them in the broader framework of revolutionary discourse of equality and justice. Even after women were beaten by Islamist hardliners in the square, and even after a gender-segregation policy began by building a dividing wall in the square after months of mixing, the discourse remained in the broader framework of equal citizenship. Authors of the “Strong voice” report noted that the Charter of the peaceful Youth Revolution - which was the document formulated by the independent youth with the objectives and an action plan for the future – “contained none of the specific demands that women had called for”, and expressed women’s rights under the umbrella of equal citizenship.

Transitional period
Articulating women-specific demands began more clearly with the transitional period, as women felt neglected after the reduced reliance on their participation in the political process, and the lack of inclusion in the closed-door meetings. In addition, women have not felt any direct changes in their daily life particularly in the security sector. The last year witnessed a large number of internally displaced people, and a number of armed conflicts which had  a severe negative impact on women. The majority of women interviewed by Oxfam in a recent report entitled “Still Waiting for Change in Yemen” said that despite the handover of power, there has been deterioration in their lives in the areas of access to food, jobs and improved security.

This handover began one year ago, when former president Ali Abdullah Saleh signed the Gulf Cooperation Council’s (GCC) power transfer deal after months of negotiations. The deal involved the transfer of power to Abd Rabu Mansour Hadi, who was his vice president for 18 years, in return for immunity from prosecution. A national unity government has since been created for a two-year period, evenly divided between the traditional opposition, the Joint Meeting Party (JMP) and the former ruling party the General people’s Congress (GPC). Phase two of this transitional period is now under way and preparations for the national dialogue are taking place followed by the constitutional reform process.

Women’s political participation in these processes is seen as a top priority for educated women in urban areas. While the United Nations Security Council Resolution 2014 calls “upon all concerned parties to ensure the protection of women and children, to improve women’s participation in conflict resolution and encourages all parties to facilitate the equal and full participation of women at decision-making levels”, and while the GCC emphasizes women’s participation in the transitional period, a majority of women feel that this has been neglected and fear, due to their mistrust of traditional parties, that the disputing political parties will unite around only one issue: excluding women.

The GCC initiative, while highlighting the importance of women, only states that women should be represented “appropriately” in the national unity government, and does not dictate a 30 percent quota which was a demand agreed upon by the women’s movement, and later articulated at a national conference on women in March 2012 which was intended to unite women’s demands for inclusion in the dialogue process.

Hence, appointing three female ministers was considered “appropriate” representation for some, and even hailed as a success by others. The important technical committee, set up by President Hadi to define the scope of the upcoming National Dialogue, included individuals with high caliber and street credibility, but women initially represented only 20 per cent. Then in September 2012, President Hadi issued another decree adding six new male members to the technical committee, which shifted the gender balance even further and decreased the percentage of women to 16 percent.

National Dialogue
Given these negative indicators, women are naturally frustrated about their marginalization and worry about the upcoming national dialogue. To alleviate some of these fears the technical committee recently published a detailed document on the Rules and procedures of the six-month National Dialogue conference which emphasizes that women will be present in all committees.

On 28 November 2012 Jamal Benomar, the United Nations’ special advisor on Yemen said that an agreement has been reached to resolve the allocation of seats for the national dialogue. According to media reports, 40 seats (representing 7 percent of the 565 seats) are allocated for “women” but another media reported that women will have 30 percent representation. That could mean that women will be included in other groups such as political parties, youth etc. 

The National Dialogue conference will be divided into 12 working groups based on different topics with a minimum of 30 participants in each. Women’s rights are not one of these 12 points and were only specifically mentioned once under the topic: rights and duties along with youth, children, the marginalized and others. This is because gender issues were placed in the broader context of equal citizenship. It will be up to individual participants to bring up the specific gender issues in each group. This will mean that the selection process, which remains vague, is of utmost importance in order to make sure that these issues will be a top political priority, and especially in the constitutional reform committee, which will be the basis for protecting women’s rights for years to come.

The question that arises for women is who represents them in this conference? Being a woman should not be the only criteria for representing women, as not all women would prioritize women’s issues. The lack of clarity over the criteria for participation means that women are unable to prepare ahead of time and to select candidates. Will they be selected from the women’s movement? Based on geographic or political affiliations? If so, what will happen to the independent women? And how would one deal with multiple identities? For example, would a woman from Aden who is a member of the Islah or Socialist party be chosen to represent women, her party, or the South? All these questions remain a challenge for women today. 

Other challenges include the fact that Yemeni women continue to face threats, slander, and harassments by religious or political forces in attempts to silence them. The lack of independent media means that groups in conflict use media to settle their disputes, and independent activists, men and women are caught in between. Just as slander was a method used by the former regime to prevent women from protesting, today, media smear campaigns and slander have been used against independent female and male activists in an attempt to tarnish their reputation. Imams resorted to the use of takfir calling the novelist and activist Boushra al-Maktary, an infidel after an article she published, making her fear, as she told journalist Judith Spiegel, that “Killing me is a ticket to heaven.”

What we know is that without the real inclusion of women, the process for change is doomed to fail. As Dr. Sheila Carapico said at the Yemen in Transition conference “no matter how marvelous a social movement is, it does not mean the outcome is social justice or a democracy.”
Nevertheless, despite the obstacles ahead, one must not lose hope. The revolution gave women a voice, boosted their self-confidence and made them believe that the impossible is possible. “Something historic and remarkable has happened that is socially and culturally important and should be recognized as such” added Dr. Carapico.




وما يزال الطريق طويلا

نشر هذا المقال في: open democracy
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في ثورة الشاب اليمنية شاركت العديد من النساء في الثورة فقادت المظاهرات، وشاركن في القرارات، وكن بالفعل جزءا مهما في استدامة حركة التغيير، والان نحن على مشارف التحضير للحوار الوطني في ظل حكومة وحدة وطنية انتقالية، ويخشى العديد من النساء أن الأطراف المتنافسة السياسية ستتوحد حول شيء واحد فقط :اقصاء قضايا المرأة
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قبل ثلاثة أشهر من بداية الثورة وبالتحديد في 8 تشرين الثاني 2010، ألقي القبض على الناشطة في الحراك الجنوبي "زهرة صالح" في مدينة عدن بمعزل عن أعين العالم الخارجي لمدة شهور دون الحصول على محام. قالت زهرة لمنظمة العفو الدولية أنه "قبل إطلاق سراحها، أمرت على التوقيع على  بتعهد بوقف أنشطتها في الحراك الجنوبي وبالزواج، ورفضت القيام به."

كانت "زهرة" آنذاك حالة شاذة في مجتمع ذكوري حيث يظن الناس أن النشاط السياسي مقتصر غالبا على الرجال.  وقد كانت مصدر إلهام للكثير من الناشطات ومنذ أن بدأت الثورة الشبابية في يناير 2011، تغير هذا التصور بخروج الآلاف من النساء اليمنيات المتزوجات والعازبات الى الشارع؛   وأصبحت رؤية العدد الهائل في الساحة على مدار ١٢ شهر رمزا من رموز نشاط المرأة، و نقطة فخر للمواطنين اليمنيين.

جاءت النساء  من خلفيات مختلفة.، لسن فقط من أوساط النخبة الحضرية المتعلمة، وإنما أيضا، كن مزيجا من نساء المناطق الحضرية والريفية، من المتعلمات والأميات، من الغنيات والفقيرات اللاتي تضامنا مع الرجال اليمنيين في الدعوة إلى الحرية. ومن ثم أصبحت ساحات التغيير بوتقة للوعي والتعلم والتعليم والتواصل.

شاركت المرأة عبر عدة طرق؛ كانت في الصفوف الامامية في الثورة، وكانت في مقدمة المتطوعين في اللجان المختلفة في الساحات، قامت بجهد موصول في تمريض الجرحى وطبخ الغذاء للثوار وتوثيق الثورة، وتشجيع أفراد أسرهم على الصمود في الساحات.  الكثير من الأمهات نزلن في ساحة التغيير مع أزواجهن وأطفالهن حيث أدى نزول الأسر وتجمعها في الساحات العامة، ليلا ونهارا، إلى تحول كبير في السلوك الاجتماعي، وبالذات لدى الذين  ليسوا معتادين على الاختلاط في الأماكن العامة كما يوضح كاريكاتير الفنان كمال شرف.
في بداية الثورة كان هذا الاختلاط شائع وطبيعي في جو أخوي وعائلي رائع المثال. وقد شجع الكثير من الآباء والإخوة والأزواج والأقارب نسائهم على المشاركة. بعض المتطوعات في المستشفى الميداني، وغيرهن من المتطوعات  نمن  في الساحات دون أولياء أمورهن الذكور، مما شكل تحديا للعادات المحرمة. و في مجتمع تعتبر صورة المرأة على لوحات الإعلانات الكبيرة "عيب"، انتشرت صورة "توكل كرمان" الحائزة على جائزة نوبل للسلام في جميع أنحاء الساحات حتى ان الرجال علقوا صورها في خيامهم بكل بفخر.  خلال تواجد النساء ​​في الشوارع بدأن يعلن عن اسمائهن بكل اعتزاز، وأصبحن يُعرفن من خلال نشاطهن وليس من خلال نسب الأسرة، أو  أقاربهن الذكور، فقبل المجتمع بهذا الظهور الجديد، على الرغم من أن بعض العادات التقليدية في اليمن ما تزال تطلب من الرجال عدم الكشف عن أسماء قريباتهم، والاقتصار على التحدث عنها باسم "العائلة"، إن لم تكن "الحرمة" او "الشوفة".  

ساهمت "شيماء الأهدل" في "مع انتفاضة المرأة في العالم العربي" بنشر صورتها، وكتبت فيها : "انا شيماء الأهدل مع انتفاضة المرأة في العالم العربي ،أخي يخجل من ذكر إسمي واسم أمي".تلقت مجموعة الفيسبوك" عددا كبيرا من المساهمات من النساء اليمنيات تطالب بحقوهن، وركزت العديد من المداخلات على إصلاح القطاع الصحي بسبب معدل وفيات الأمهات المرتفعة للغاية، والفجوة بين الجنسين في معدلات التعليم، وانخفاض عدد المشاركة السياسية ، والأعراف الاجتماعية.

إن التعبير عن مطالب محددة  تُعنى بـ "الجندر" -أو النوع الاجتماعي-  وبحقوق المرأة لم تكن أولوية للثوار لان العديد من الناشطات وضعن هذه الحقوق في الإطار الثوري الواسع المعنيْ بالمساواة والعدالة.  وظلت الناشطات تضع حقوق المرأة في إطار المواطنة المتساوية حتى بعدما تعرض بعض الناشطات  للضرب من قبل المتشددين في الساحة، وحتى بعد سياسة الفصل بين الجنسين عن طريق بناء الحائط الفاصل في ساحة التغيير بعد أشهر من الاختلاط، . وأشار مؤلفو تقرير أصوات قوية المشاركة السياسية للنساء في احتجاجات التغيير في اليمن أن وثيقة أهداف ومطالب الثورة السلمية الذي صاغها الشباب المستقل" لم تتحدث عن أي من المطالب المحددة للنساء التي صاغها التحالف الاخر "تحالف وطن – نساء من أجل  السلم الاجتماعي" وإنما أعربت وثيقة الشباب عن حقوق المرأة تحت مظلة المواطنة المتساوية.

الفترة الانتقالية
بعدما بدأت  المرأة تشعر بتقليص مشاركتها في العملية السياسية، وعدم إدراجها بشكل أكبر في الاجتماعات المغلقة  زاد عدد النساء التي تعبر بشكل اوضح عن المطالب الخاصة بالمرأة خاصة لان النساء بشكل عام لم يشعرن بأي تغييرات مباشرة في حياتهن اليومية وبالتحديد في القطاع الأمني. شهد العام الماضي عددا كبيرا من النزوح الداخلي بسبب الصراعات المسلحة التي كان لها أثر سلبي شديد على النساء. غالبية النساء اللاتي قابلتهن منظمة أوكسفام في تقرير صدر مؤخرا بعنوان "لا يزلن في إنتظار التغيير" قلن للمنظمة أنه على الرغم من تسلم السلطة الجديدة دفة الحكم، الا ان هناك تدهور في حياتهن في مجالات الحصول على الغذاء وفرص العمل وتحسين الوضع الأمني.

بدأت الفترة الانتقالية عندما وقع الرئيس السابق علي عبد الله صالح المبادرة الخليجية التي تضمنت نقل السلطة إلى نائبه عبد ربه منصور هادي الذي كان نائبا للرئيس السايق مدة ١٨ سنة ، في مقابل الحصانة من الملاحقة القضائية. ومنذ ذلك الحين فقد تم انشاء حكومة الوحدة الوطنية لفترة سنتين، تنقسم بالتساوي بين المعارضة التقليدية أحزاب اللقاء المشترك والحزب الحاكم السابق المؤتمر الشعبي العام. بدأت المرحلة الثانية من الفترة الانتقالية  بالإعداد للحوار الوطني ومن ثم عملية الإصلاح الدستوري.

إن المشاركة السياسية للمرأة في هذه الفترة الحرجة أولوية قصوى بالنسبة للنساء المتعلمات في المناطق الحضرية.  في حين أن قرار مجلس الأمن رقم 2014 يدعو كافة الأطراف المعنية "أن تكفل حماية النساء والأطفال وأن تعزز مشاركة المرأة في حل النزاع، ويشجع كافة الأطراف على تيسير مشاركة المرأة مشاركة تامة وعلى قدم المساواة على مستوى صنع القرار"، وبينما تؤكد المبادرة الخليجية على مشاركة المرأة في الفترة الانتقالية وانه ينبغي تمثيل المرأة ضمن جميع الأطراف المشاركة فإن غالبية النساء يشعرن أنه قد تم إهمالهن. وبالتالي انعدام الثقة في الاحزاب التقليدية مما جعل  النساء يشعرن  من أن الأطراف المتنازعة السياسية ستتوحد حول مسألة واحدة فقط وهي اقصاء النساء.

بينما تسلط المبادرة على أهمية دور المرأة بالنص إلا ان المبادرة تنص على "تمثيل المرأة تمثيلا مناسباً"  في حكومة الوحدة الوطنية، لكنها لا تنص على حصة 30 في المئة التي كان مطلبا اتفقت عليها الحركة النسائية، واكدت عليها الحركة في المؤتمر الوطني للنساء في مارس 2012 والذي كان يهدف إلى توحيد مطالب المرأة لإدراجها في عملية الحوار.  ومن هنا، اعتبر البعض أن تعيين ثلاثة وزيرات فقط في الحكومة تمثيل "مناسب" والبعض أشاد بأنها خطوة ناجحة. كما ان اللجنة الفنية الهامة، التي شكلها الرئيس هادي لتحديد نطاق الحوار الوطني المقبل، شمل أفراد ذوي الكفاءات العالية ومصداقية في الشارع، لكن تمثيل المرأة في البداية كان 20 في المائة فقط. ثم في سبتمبر 2012، أصدر الرئيس هادي قرار جمهوري بإضافة ستة أعضاء ذكور إلى اللجنة الفنية فسبب تقليص التوازن وانخفاض نسبة النساء إلى 16 في المئة.

الحوار الوطني
ونظرا لهذه المؤشرات السلبية و الخوف من ممارسات المتشددين ضد النساء في الساحات فبطبيعة الحال يشعر كثير من النساء نوع من الاحباط حول التهميش، وقلق بشأن الحوار الوطني المقبل. ولتخفيف بعض هذه المخاوف نشرت اللجنة الفنية مؤخرا مشروع النظام الداخلي وضوابط الحوار للمؤتمر الذي سيمتد على مدار ستة أشهر واكدت الوثيقة تواجد النساء في جميع اللجان.

وفي 28 نوفمبر 2012 قال جمال بن عمر، مستشار الأمم المتحدة الخاص حول اليمن أنه تم التوصل إلى اتفاق لتسوية تخصيص مقاعد للحوار الوطني. ووفقا لتقارير وسائل الاعلام، تم تخصيص 40 مقعدا (ما يمثل 7 في المئة من المقاعد 565) "للنساء" ولكن تقريرا اخرا ذكر أن النساء سوف تمثل ب 30 في المئة. مما يعني أنه  قد يتم إدراج المرأة في المجموعات الأخرى مثل الأحزاب السياسية والشباب الخ.

سيتم تقسيم المؤتمر إلى 12 مجموعة عمل تقوم على مواضيع مختلفة بتواجد 30 مشاركا في كل مجموعة.  ويُلاحظ أن حقوق المرأة ليست واحدة من هذه المجموعات، وتم فقط ذكر حقوق المرأة مرة واحدة على وجه التحديد تحت موضوع: الحقوق والواجبات جنبا إلى جنب مع الشباب والأطفال والمهمشين وغيرهم. و لأنه تم وضع قضايا المساواة بين الجنسين في سياق المواطنة المتساوية فقد غابت حقوق المرأة تحت هذا الشعار الغامض. وعليه فسيكون الأمر متروكا للمشاركين لطرح قضايا الجندر في كل مجموع، وهذا يعني أن عملية الاختيار، التي لا تزال غامضة، أمر في غاية الأهمية من أجل التأكد من أن هذه القضايا ستكون على رأس الأولويات السياسية، وخاصة في لجنة الإصلاح الدستوري، والتي سوف تكون أساسا لحماية حقوق المرأة للسنين قادمة.

السؤال الذي يطرح نفسه بالنسبة للنساء هو من الذي يمثلهن في هذا المؤتمر بدون تحديد المعايير فكونها مجرد امرأة لا ينبغي أن يكون هو المعيار الوحيد لتمثيل المرأة، لان ليس كل النساء معنيات بأولويات قضايا النساء.  عدم وضوح معايير اختيار المشاركين عائق كبير للمشاركة، لأنه يصعب على الحركة النسوية أن تعد للمؤتمر قبل الموعد بدون معرفة المعايير المحددة . هل سيتم اختيار المشاركات من الحركة النسائية على أساس الانتماءات الجغرافية أو السياسية؟ إذا كان الأمر كذلك، ماذا سيحدث للنساء المستقلات؟ وكيف يمكن للمرء أن يتعامل مع هويات متعددة.على سبيل المثال، لو تم اختيار امرأة من عدن أو من صنعاء، من حزب التجمع اليمني للإصلاح أو الاشتراكي فهل ستمثل المرأة حزبها، أو منطقتها؟ كل هذه الأسئلة لا تزال تشكل تحديا للنساء.

تحديات أخرى تشمل حقيقة أن المرأة اليمنية لا تزال تواجه تهديدات القذف، والمضايقات من قبل القوى المتشددة أو السياسية في محاولة لإسكاتهن. عدم وجود وسائل إعلام مستقلة تعني أن الجماعات في وسائل الإعلام تستخدم الصراع لتسوية نزاعاتها، والنشطاء المستقلون رجالا ونساء يعانون في الوسط .  كما استخدم النظام السابق القذف لمنع النساء من الاحتجاج، فاليوم تستخدم نفس حملات التشهير والافتراء في وسائل الإعلام ضد النشطاء والناشطات المستقلين. فقد كفّر علماء متشددون الروائية والناشطة بشرى المقطري بسبب مقال كتبته عما تعرضت هي وزملائها أثناء مسيرتهم من مدينة تعز إلى صنعاء ، مما جعلها تقول للصحفية جودث سبيجل: "ان قتلهم لي يدخلهم الجنة".

من الواضح أنه بدون الإدراج الحقيقي لحقوق المرأة في عملية التغيير فإن الحوار محكوم عليه بالفشل. كما قالت الدكتورة شيلا كارابيكو: "مهما كانت الحركة الاجتماعية رائعة هذا لا يعني أن النتيجة ستكون العدالة الاجتماعية او الديمقراطية " ومع ذلك، على الرغم من العقبات المقبلة، يجب على المرء أن لا يفقد الأمل. لقد أعطت الثورة صوتا للنساء، وعززت ثقتهن بأنفسهن، وجعلتهن يؤمن بأن المستحيل ممكنا. "ينبغي الاعتراف بأن هذا بحد ذاته شيء رائع وحدث تاريخي هام اجتماعيا وثقافيا" أضافت الدكتورة بحق.
 

إياكم والتعصب المذهبي

انا من جيل لم نكن نعرف شيئا من المذهبية وطالما افتخرت اننا في اليمن لا نتعصب لمذهب وانما نتعايش في أمان، ونتزاوج في سلام، ونصلي سويا .. لا ينظر اي شخص الى الاخر بنظرة تكفير، ولكن للأسف الان هناك ايادي خفية لها مصالح في دفع اليمن بكل عنف الى حربا مذهبية لن ينجو منها أحد، وستكون الفتئة هي الفائز الوحيد. إن من يدعم قتل مواطن في أي مكان في اليمن بسبب مذهبي او اغتيال سياسي فإنما يعمل لقتل الإخاء اليمني في ظرف نحن احوج ما نكون فيه إلى الإخاء..

عندما قرأت خبر القتلى والجرحى في احتفال عاشوراء ارتسمت امامي الصورة الدامية التي تحيط بالعالم الاسلامي اليوم من صراع مذهبي في الباكستان والعراق وغيرها وخفت ان تنتقل هذه الصورة بدمويتها الى اليمن الحبيب الذي لم يعرف في تاريخة صراع من هذا النوع الا في الفترة الاخيرة وهذه بداية مروعة و مؤشر مرعب وحزين .

أتمنى ان لا نقع في نفس الفخ الذي وقعت فيه كثير من الدول حيث يشتعل التعصب فتسيل الدماء ، ويغيب العقل الحكيم، وتستيقظ الغرائز المتوحشة، والدم إذا ما ساح فأنه كما قال طلال سلمان: "لا يتبخر بل يغوص في الأرض"

رحم الله كل شهداء وجرحى الوطن

الصورة من: http://www.baladnews.com/article.php?cat=2&article=13494

Tuesday, October 30, 2012

Humanity

يجب ألاّ تفقد ثقتك بالبشرية. البشرية محيط ، وإذا كانت بضع قطرات منه وسخة فالمحيط لا يصبح وسخاً - غاندي
You must not lose faith in humanity. Humanity is an ocean; if a few drops of the ocean are dirty, the ocean does not become dirty - Gandhi

Sunday, October 14, 2012

Time for Hadi to move beyond managing power struggles

First published in the Guardian's Comment is Free

With the support of the international community, President Abd-Rabbu Mansour Hadi came to power in Yemen as the consensus candidate – when the opposition coalition and the former ruling party signed an agreement on political transition put forward by the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC).

After months of turmoil, the agreement ended the 33-year rule of Ali Abdullah Saleh but it marginalised a large segment of Yemeni society, including those who led the movement for change.

Hadi's "election" in February – in a national poll where he was the only candidate – did not sit well with many, but others welcomed it as a symbolic step to steer Yemen away from a potential civil war.

Some of Hadi's initial decrees surprised critics, giving people hope that he would lead Yemen independently. His decisions to reassign military and security officials from their posts, and his appointments – such as replacing the governor of Taiz – were widely welcomed.

Also, on 22 September he signed a decree authorising the creation of a commission of inquiry to investigate human rights violations during the 2011 uprising – though with the immunity law, the chances of prosecution are near impossible.

The immunity law, stipulated in the GCC agreement, is not the only obstacle. A continuing problem is that the GCC's transition agreement places a lot of importance on President Hadi, without any reference to what would happen in his absence. Analysts worry that this makes him an easy target for those who would benefit from derailing the transitional process.

Fearing for his life, Hadi has been protected by the military's First Armoured Division (FAD) which supported opposition protests against Saleh last year. The head of the FAD, General Ali Mohsen al-Ahmar (a kinsman of ex-president Saleh who eventually turned against him) is known for his bloody past, making him more valuable as a friend than an enemy.

Hadi's relationship with Ali Mohsen is seen by many as one of convenience, where protection is exchanged for loyalty, and there are some worrying indicators that Ali Mohsen may be gaining influence through President Hadi's tacit and sometimes declared approval.

For example, people welcomed the creation of a new Presidential Protection Force made up of three brigades of the Republican Guard, headed by Saleh's son Ahmed Ali – and one brigade from the FAD – as essential first steps towards unifying the military.

However, the 314th brigade of the FAD that was affected by this decree was one that had refused to defect with Ali Mohsen during the uprising and always remained loyal to Saleh. Hence, this decree only reduced the power of Saleh loyalists, leaving intact Ali Mohsen's influence over the military.

The Hadi-Mohsen relationship instilled fear in people that the patronage system – one of the hallmarks of Saleh's rule – may continue under a different guise in favour of the Islamist party Islah, the dominant force in the traditional opposition, due to its close ties with Ali Mohsen.

According to reports by local newspapers, employees at the ministry of electricity filed an official complaint against the minister for employing his relatives and friends without merit. They listed 19 new employees all of whom are affiliated to Islah.

One government employee stated on condition of anonymity: "In the past, the minister would only employ his pro-regime friends. Today, the new minister brought his friends from the party to take over the leadership of some divisions without the required skills. It's like one mafia replaced another."
These practices might affect Hadi's credibility and thus affect the goals of the National Dialogue, which is one crucial test for the president.

Among other things, the dialogue intended to begin next month needs to build trust with the rebellious Houthis in the north and the separatists in the south. It is of vital importance for Hadi to address their grievances and include these marginalised yet powerful groups in the process for a successful dialogue.

So far, no members of the important technical committee for the National Dialogue are affiliated to the Southern Movement, though there is talk of the state issuing a public apology for past wars in the south and north – which may restore trust in the process and facilitate their involvement.
A widespread perception, though, is that the National Dialogue will only empower political parties and will neglect the people and their needs.

Last month, Hadi issued another decree to add six new members to the technical committee, four of whom are from the Islah party, shifting the balance. It also decreased the number of women to less than 30%, which has been commonly accepted as the minimum quota for women's participation in the various committees.

For Yemen to move forward, a sincere healing process needs to begin, and a bottom-up approach needs to replace the top-down elite model for the dialogue to succeed or else it will become just another political conference. If the National Dialogue fails, so will Hadi's legitimacy.

Another indicator that the leadership is not taking people's opinions into account is Hadi's recent statement praising the efficiency of drones and acknowledging his approval of the strikes which have resulted in many civilian deaths.

With no mention of the civilian casualties from his home province of Abyan, Hadi's legitimacy is slowly fading. A backlash against his statement was immediately felt in the country.

After his speech, Hadi quickly acquired new nicknames including "Abdu Drone Hadi", coined by activist Abdulrahman Alansy. "Exchanging local support with international glamour rather than striking balance between both will simply turn him into a Yemeni version of the weak and ineffective Karzai," said Ibrahim Mothana, youth activist and co-founder of the al-Watan party.

More than seven months into his presidency, it appears that Hadi is not interested in bargaining with the masses, and instead is focused on pleasing the inner political circle, extending the exclusionary politics of the Saleh era into the new transitional government.

Hadi should take on this historic responsibility with a vision for the country and move beyond managing the power struggles, which is what Saleh did for 33 years and which cost him the presidency. With all the difficulties Yemen is facing, it is not to his advantage to sideline revolutionaries and other important and powerful groups in Yemen, from whom he should gain his legitimacy.

Gone are the days when legitimacy only comes from a small inner circle. The extent to which the people are able to push for reforms will demonstrate whether Yemen will move towards a more inclusive political process.

Tuesday, October 9, 2012

Students Protest against Militarization of their University

First published in Al-Akhbar
Students marched to President Abd Rabbo Mansour Hadi's house 
Students in Yemen’s capital are mobilizing to demand the end of the military presence on their campus. Their demand is proof that the people are by no means satisfied with the results of their hard-fought for revolution.

Holding colorful posters and marching besides a large megaphone, a group of young men and women were chanting for freedom. These protests symbolize the new wave of the revolution, one that is not satisfied with only a change in leadership, but demands comprehensive regime change.

“No to state security. No to the military. Free our university!” students chant in Sanaa University.

The first march was organized by the student branch of the Yemeni Socialist Party on Sunday September 17 but many students participated, including those not affiliated to any party. Since then protests have continued regularly, joined by students of various backgrounds, all rejecting the continued occupation of the university.

 This call is directed at the First Armored Division (FAD), commanded by General Ali Muhsin al-Ahmar, a one-time confidant of former president Saleh. On 21 March 2011, following the brutal sniper attack on peaceful protesters that resulted in at least 45 deaths, Ali Muhsin began siding with the protesters.

Since then a large number of FAD soldiers have been deployed around Change Square - the heart of the revolutionary movement – on the premises of protection. The square is located adjacent to the university, and hence the FAD have easy access to the educational facility.

Pro-democracy protesters at the time had mixed feelings about this move. From a strategic standpoint, it meant a formal split in the Yemeni military, which reduced possibility of a complete crush of the uprising. Some felt, however, that Ali Muhsin’s past might serve as proof that his involvement was not intended to support change, but was rather a political move for personal gains. Nevertheless, the majority accepted the decision and welcomed him chanting “Welcome, welcome FAD, and their leader Ali Muhsin.”

The FAD is still in control of the university, despite the fact that Change Square is no longer closed off, and numerous streets have opened to traffic. In addition, the protesters are no longer under direct threat from the former regime, as the new transitional government is composed of former regime and the traditional opposition (the Joint Meeting Party coalition).


Despite that, some still feel the need for protection. “I understand that they should not be here but lets be honest, the situation is still dangerous these days, and we need them to protect the students,” said Sami, a father of two, and a protester who was camped in Change Square. “Also, many scandalous things happen between boys and girls on campus. Who will control that if they are not here?” he added.

Soldiers from the FAD seem to agree that their role is merely protection, and are surprised to hear the student sentiment against them. “They are liars, there are no soldiers inside the campus, only at the gates. We are here to protect them,” said Mohammed, a soldier from the FAD who is based at the eastern entrance of Sanaa University. “Those protesting are infiltrators who have an agenda and want to create chaos. They are just politicizing this because they are socialists,” he added.

Students rebuff this statement saying that the soldiers are seen in many different parts of the campus, and not just at the gates. They allege to have seen soldiers train, to have identified military barricades and tanks in the Olympic center, in addition to two battalions behind the architecture college. They claim that photos and videos, such as this oneof soldiers training inside the university support these allegations.

Numerous students have complained of soldiers beating and detaining them. On 26 September 2012 three students were violently arrested by the FAD. “I was arrested and beaten and taken to a room inside the university. They only let me go after the students almost stormed the building,” said Hani al-Guneid, a fourth year student in the Faculty of Arts.

Guneid was beaten again on October 6 by unknown men as he was walking out of the university.

Students have complained of feeling intimidated by the soldiers at the gate. Asmahan al-Qadi, a first year agriculture student said she feels stressed every time she goes to university. “More than once the soldiers have caused me to be at least half an hour late for class due to questioning and searching my bags. When I arrive late, professors don’t understand.”

Abuse From FAD soldiers is not a new phenomenon. During the uprising, FAD soldiers beat up and detained many independent activists who criticized either al-Islah political party (the most powerful party in the opposition coalition) or the FAD and placed them in private prisons.

The mother of a current student said she is protesting for the future of her children. “We suffer from oppression and injustice at the hands of the military – even the university wasn’t left alone.”

In addition to the direct violations, students denounce military interference in student affairs. This has taken many shapes, most notably the direct interference by the head of the FAD, Ali Muhsin, in the internal affairs of the university.

This was most notably felt when an alleged letter from Ali Muhsin to the president of Sanaa University was leaked. In this document, Ali Muhsin requested the admission of a student into the university, bypassing procedures. For many students, this exemplifies his power over the university administration.

For these reasons demonstrators continue to protest against the military presence in the university. Instead of soldiers under the command of the General, students suggested that guards affiliated to the university administration replace the military.

The students have articulated these demands and have formally contacted officials in the government, but up to date no response has been given.

Security control over education institutions has a history in Yemen. During Saleh’s 33 year reign, security agencies controlled many of the universities. Yet, the revolution’s calls for a civil state gave hope for a break from the military regime. Simultaneously, the military and security apparatus occupied a number of schools during the uprising. In a 46-page report entitled,Classrooms in the Crosshairs: Military Use of Schools in Yemen’s Capital, Human Rights Watch details the occupation of schools not only by the FAD, but also by other military forces such as the Republican Guards, headed by General Ahmed Ali Saleh, and opposition militias and armed groups.

“Before the revolution, we were demanding that security agencies leave the campus, and when the revolution began we had hope but now it’s even worse, we have the military here!” said third year student Mutassem Abdulsalam with a smirk.

Despite the students’ worries and disappointment at the status quo, these protests give some students hope that the essence of the revolution is still alive.

“The student revolution to kick the military out of the campus is the first step towards regaining popular consciousness,” said political analyst Mohammed al-Maqaleh, reviving hope in the hearts of the many disappointed revolutionaries.

Sunday, October 7, 2012

Updated: When in doubt - seek advice

 I wrote this post yesterday, and today I woke up and found an e-mail from Harvard University responding to my inquiry about the funding.  They informed me that the controversial funding will not be accepted, and that they will post a document explaining this on their website in two days.

Here is the joint statement from Steven C. Caton, Professor of Contemporary Arab Studies at Harvard University and the Yemen Working Group:
Clarification on funding of the Harvard Conference on Yemen

October 7, 2012

We wish to indicate that Steven Caton is organizing the Conference “Yemen in Transition: Challenges and Opportunities” in consultation with the Yemen Working Group, and it was he who raised the funding for the conference.

It must be understood that neither Professor Caton nor Harvard University nor the Yemen Working Group that consists of professionals and academics would ever accept funding with any conditions attached that might influence either the contents of the conference or its outcomes.

Harvard University and the Yemen Working Group are dedicated to free, unbiased and open scholarly inquiry. This principle guided the way the conference was organized and is reflected in its contents. The conference is open to the public and its proceedings will be videotaped and made available on the net to the general
public.

It must also be understood that Huda Alsharifi, who was among the sponsors, never attempted to influence Professor Caton regarding the organization, contents or participation of speakers at the conference.

Various media have recently made accusations against Professor Caton, Harvard University and the Yemen Working Group that have led several participants from Yemen to withdraw from the conference unless the funding from Huda Alsharifi be returned.

In the interests of encouraging those Yemenis to reconsider their decision and after consultation with the Yemen Working Group, Professor Caton has asked Harvard University to return the funding to Huda Alsharifi and he and the YWG will seek funding from other sources.

The decision to return Alsharafi's funding is done to make it possible for the Yemeni participants to join the conference; it does not in any way give credence to the false accusations and allegations made against the conference organizers or its participants.

Steven C. Caton &
Yemen Working Group


Given this change, I have decided to participate in the conference, despite the negative media hype and the fact that many people are still upset. Thank you for all those who gave me invaluable advise. It is truly appreciated.

best,
Atiaf :)

==
As everything goes in Yemen, confusion, rumors, criticisms and lots of emotions spearhead the debate on an upcoming Conference at Harvard University entitled: Yemen in Transition: Challenges and Opportunities.

The cause of these critics: a sizable donation from Huda Al-Sharafi, a businesswoman and Yahya Mohamed Saleh's business partner.  Yahya Saleh is head of the Central Security forces and former president Ali Abdullah Saleh's nephew.  His forces shot and killed peaceful protester.  

On the Harvard page, the sponsors are listed as follows: Sponsor(s): 
American Institute for Yemeni Studies, Ash Institute (Harvard Kennedy School of Government), Crown Center (Brandeis University), Dean of the Social Sciences (FAS, Harvard), Islamic Legal Studies Program (Harvard Law School), Middle East Initiative (Harvard Kennedy School of Government), MIT Middle East Program, Outreach Center (Harvard Center for Middle East Studies), and Women and Public Policy Program (Harvard Kennedy School of Government). We also would like to thank the generous support of Huda Alsharifi.

For many Yemenis this is a disappointing scandal.  Some have interpreted this to mean that Huda Al-Sharafi is just a front for Yahya Saleh to partially fund the conference.  Two days later, many local articles and facebook posts have spread rejecting this conference, and accusing the organizers and the speakers of being too close to Saleh.  Other criticism was based on logistical issues and political dynamic within the Yemeni-American diaspora.  In addition to concern that the Southern issue was not given the importance it deserves in the conference.

Now to explain why I'm writing this post.  I am one of the speakers.  My paper is entited: the War on Terror: between security and morality.  The focus will be on impact of air strikes on the forgotten civilians of Yemen.

So  I am torn between two thoughts:

On the one hand, i think to myself I should still go and here is why:
  •  I would like to fly with my own funds, but since I can't at this point, I could raise some funds through crowd funding for the cost of the ticket and the hotel.  
  • I believe that some Harvard University graduates will go on to become policy makers, and i hope to be able to make at least one person question the current counter terrorism policy in Yemen.
  • I believe that this is an academic conference that was well intentioned, and that the organizers worked hard on planning, but that one of the sponsors was not vetted appropriately.  but i also believe that Yahya Saleh will not, and can not control the papers presented, nor the outcomes of the conference. 
  • Finally, and most importantly, I have been to Abyan. I interviewed people  who had their homes destroyed, their children killed or wounded, and their hospitals attacked because of air strikes.  Yemeni government and activists have ignored them.   I dream about these kids, and I want to give them a voice.  Their parents have asked that their stories be told and so I want to share their struggles. If this means that my "reputation" might be tarnished by some people who like to generalize and would not like to think deeply, then maybe it's a risk I should take.
On the other hand, I am thinking:
  • This is a matter of principal, and even if it's a good opportunity, other opportunities will present themselves.
  • Even if i pay my own way there, I am giving credibility to a conference partially funded by Yahya Saleh's partner.
  • Even if i raise my own funds to go, at this point, no one will even listen to what i have to say, because the reputation of the conference is tarnished.
  • The media backlash against me will be high.  as exemplified by one facebook status of a Yemeni-American activist who has already said on facebook: "I expect speakers to cancel their participation within 24 hours" even though we are all still waiting for official responses from Harvard about this funding.
So, with all these questions, and four points saying I should go, four points saying I shouldn't go, I would like to get your opinion on what I should do? 

Tuesday, September 11, 2012

We are more alike than different!



“Your task is not to seek for love,
but merely to seek and find
all the barriers within yourself
that you have built against it.”
- Jalal ad-Din Muhammad Rumi

I remember September 11th like it was yesterday.  I was a student at the American University campus in Washington D.C.  As students hovered over the small television watching the twin towers fall, tears rolled down my face.  “Utter cruelty” I thought to myself.  More difficult was the realization that this vicious act was done by “Muslims”.  

“This simply can’t be” I thought to myself, no person of faith can deliberately kill in the name of God! But then again, history is full of stories of “religious” Christians, Muslims, Hindus and Jewish people killing innocent civilians in the name of “God”.  

While majority of Muslims condemned the 9/11 attacks, unfortunately many Americans continued to view Muslims not Al-Qaeda as the enemy.  


Last July, I was in Abyan province in Yemen, and I visited families of civilian casualties of the “War on Terror”.  These families had nothing to do with Al-Qaeda or the Yemeni military, yet US drones and Yemeni aircraft hit their homes and killed or wounded their family members.  

Hearing their stories, and seeing the photos of those killed reminded me of that feeling I had when I saw the plane hit the twin towers.  Once again I felt horrified and thought to myself “Utter cruelty”.

The effects of the global war on terror are far reaching.  No matter who the perpetrator is, murder and death of civilians can not be justified.  Every individual that was killed unjustly should be honored, and their tragedy remembered.  Simultaneously, the politics that indiscriminately kills innocent people should be criticized. This policy is counter-productive and fuels hates and keeps societies in a cycle of violence. 

The anti-American sentiment that is rising in Yemen, reminds me of the anti-Islam sentiment that swept and continues to spread in the U.S.  These reactionary feelings are a product of internalizing political differences and forgetting the humanity that we share. 

The policies of the “War on Terror” are often very divisive. And helps promote hatred, and continues the cycle of violence.   The War on Terror has also made my job of trying to “bridge the gap” between “East & West” a more difficult one.  
  
While I am very vocal about my concerns regarding both the policies of the Yemeni and American government, visa-vi the “War on Terror”, I am also very vocal that politics is one thing, human beings are another.  We should not put both in one camp. 

As a person who spent a significant amount of my life in both worlds (US & Yemen) I find it easy to float between one or the other.  In each place I go, I attempt to deconstruct some of the images people have of the OTHER. 

For example, in Yemen I tell people stories about Muslims in America who didn’t have a mosque near by, so members of a church offered them space to perform Friday prayer there. Then I watch their shocked eyes.  It seems what I said was jaw-dropping.  So I continue: “America is not only what you see in Hollywood movies.”  

In the US, I tell people how Yemenis love to host foreigners and despite misconceptions, majority of Yemenis do not like AQAP.  Again I see people’s jaws drop from shock.  I continue: “Yemen is not only what you read about in your news feed”.

We can not let politicians drive us away from our shared humanity. 
 We need to remember that we are more alike than different.  As a reminder of that, here are 10 silly facts to remind us of our similarities:

 1. Both countries have talented sportsmen with skills for high jumping.  In Yemen the camel jumping tradition, and in the US the “slam dunking” tradition.  
camel jumping sport, from http://www.smithsonianmag.com/people-places/The-Sport-of-Camel-Jumping.html
Slam dunking in the US
 
2.  Both countries have very low percentage of women in Parliament/Congress.  Women hold 90, or 16.8%, of the 535 seats in the 112th US Congress — 17, or 17.0%, of the 100 seats in the Senate and 73, or 16.8%, of the 435 seats in the House of Representatives.[1]  In Yemen the number of women  in parliament fell from 11 in 1993 to only 1 in 2003. (but there is a high chance it will increase to 30% with a quota that women are currently pushing for).

3.  Both countries love their STARS. Starbuger in Yemen and Starbucks in the U.S.

4.  The death penalty is legal in both countries.  And large groups in the population support the death penalty, despite the efforts of human rights activists for reform.

5.  Both societies have their own popular political satire show.  Daily Show in the US, Aakis Khat (against the Current) in Yemen.    
6.     Average citizens in both countries are very friendly and very welcoming.

7.     In both countries the Military Budget as percentage of GDP is very high: US its 4.060%, Yemen 6.600% [2]

8.  Both societies love movies.  Hollywood makes movies, Yemenis sell the latest movies in every corner, sometimes before they’re even released in the U.S.!

9. In both countries, if you have money you can get proper health care, if you don't, your screwed.

10.   U.S. & Yemen both lead the world in guns (http://www.aljazeera.com/indepth/interactive/2012/07/2012726141159587596.html)